Charu majumdar quotes
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Fifty years have elapsed since the death of Comrade Charu Mazumdar in Kolkata's Lalbazar police lock-up. Back then, the Indian state must have heaved a huge sigh of relief, expecting his death to mark the end of the revolutionary wave that had spread across India in the wake of Naxalbari. But five decades later, when the Modi regime seeks to suppress every voice of dissent, it has to concoct the term 'urban naxal' to persecute dissent. Clearly, the spectre of Naxalbari and Charu Mazumdar continues to haunt India's rulers even five decades after his death.
When the peasant upsurge broke out in Naxalbari in May 1967, the Communist Party of China welcomed it as 'a peal of spring thunder crashing over the land of India'. The path of agrarian revolution visualised by Naxalbari was inspired considerably by the trajectory of the Chinese revolution. Charu Mazumdar, Naxalbari, and the CPI(ML) which was founded two years later, thus came to be bracketed with China, Chinese revolution and the Communist Party of China led by Mao Zedong. But in many ways Naxalbari and CPI(ML) carried the comm
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Charu Majumdar
Indian Naxalite politician (1918–1972)
Charu Mazumdar (Bengali: চারু মজুমদার; 15 May 1918 – 28 July 1972), popularly known as CM, was an Indian Communist leader, and founder and General Secretary of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist).[1] Born into a progressive landlord family in Siliguri in 1918, he became a Communist during the Indian Independence Movement, and later formed the militant Naxalite cause. During this period, he authored the historic accounts of the 1967 Naxalbari uprising. His writings, particularly the Historic Eight Documents, have become part of the ideology of a number of Communism-aligned political parties in India.[2]
Biography
Mazumdar was born in Matualaloi, Rajshahi (now Siliguri) to a zamindar family.[3][4] His father Bireshwar Majumdar was a freedom fighter and president of the Darjeeling District Committee of the Indian National Congress during the Indian independence movement.[5]
In 1930, as a student in Siliguri, he joined the All Bengal Students' Associat
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The idea is not to explore the efficacy of violence as a viable political tool but rather delve into the economic and political causes that have caused the common man to take up arms against his oppressors throughout history. This violence is different from state-sanctioned violence as the power dynamics are entirely reversed. The poor common man resorts to violence only when he can see no light at the end of the tunnel except through the barrel of a gun. Violence is always a double-edged sword and for the common working-class folks, the edge is doubly sharper as he exposes himself to the receiving end of violence, which is much more dangerous than the violence he can deliver. Even with this foreknowledge, the common poor man has resorted to violent revolutions throughout history across the globe. When we debate politics in the safety of our glass houses or Parliaments, the socio-political ground reality often eludes us.
Flipping through the bloody pages of history, we see very few revolutions having left as indelible a mark as the Naxalbari Uprising in 1967. This historic arm
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